Ese destino reunía dos promesas de Trump: su viejo anhelo de usar la base que está fuera del país para sacar a “tipos malos” de Estados Unidos y el compromiso, que hizo poco después de asumir la presidencia el año pasado, de llevar allí a miles de personas sin ciudadanía estadounidense. La base naval es conocida por el uso de tortura y el trato inhumano hacia hombres sospechosos de terrorismo después de los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001.

“Las asignaciones normalmente no se pueden rechazar”, dijo Stewart. Pero le rogó a la oficina de coordinación y finalmente encontraron a otra enfermera para reemplazarla.

Oficiales del Servicio de Salud Pública que trabajaron en Guantánamo el año pasado describieron las condiciones en las que se encontraban los detenidos, algunos de los cuales se enteraron de que estaban en Cuba gracias a los médicos y enfermeros enviados para atenderlos.

Estos funcionarios dijeron que habían tratado a inmigrantes que estaban detenidos en una prisión oscura llamada Camp 6, donde no entra la luz del sol.

KFF Health News acordó no revelar los nombres de estos oficiales porque temen sufrir represalias por lo que han contado. Antes, esa cárcel había albergado a personas con supuestos vínculos con al-Qaeda. Los oficiales dijeron que no recibieron información previa sobre las tareas que podrían desempeñar en la base.

Aunque el Servicio de Salud Pública no es parte de las Fuerzas Armadas de Estados Unidos, sus oficiales —unos 5.000 médicos, enfermeras y otros trabajadores de salud— están uniformados y actúan como soldados con estetoscopio en situaciones de emergencia. El gobierno los despliega ante catástrofes naturales, como huracanes, o en el caso de incendios forestales, tiroteos masivos y brotes de sarampión. En tiempos normales, ocupan puestos en distintas agencias federales.

Las detenciones masivas ordenadas por el gobierno de Trump para frenar la inmigración han creado una nueva clase de emergencia de salud pública, ya que la cantidad de personas en custodia alcanza cifras récord. Según datos de la Oficina de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), actualmente hay unos 71.000 inmigrantes encarcelados; la mayoría sin antecedentes penales.

Kristi Noem, secretaria de Seguridad Nacional, recordó: “El presidente Donald Trump ha sido muy claro: Guantánamo albergará a lo peor de lo peor”. Sin embargo, varios medios han informado que muchos de los hombres enviados a la base no tienen condenas criminales. Un informe preliminar de ICE, publicado en mayo, reveló que hasta el 90% fue clasificado como “de bajo riesgo”.

Según The New York Times, el gobierno de Trump ha enviado a Guantánamo, de manera irregular y por etapas, a unos 780 no ciudadanos. La cifra varía a medida que llegan nuevos detenidos y otros son devueltos a Estados Unidos o deportados a terceros países.

Si bien algunos oficiales del Servicio de Salud Pública ya habían brindado atención médica a inmigrantes detenidos en el pasado, esta es la primera vez en la historia de Estados Unidos que Guantánamo se utiliza para alojar a inmigrantes que residían en el país. Los oficiales dijeron que las asignaciones a ICE se están volviendo cada vez más frecuentes. Tras esquivar Guantánamo, a Stewart se le ordenó presentarse en un centro de detención de ICE en Texas.

“A los oficiales de salud pública se nos está pidiendo que contribuyamos a una crisis humanitaria creada deliberadamente”, afirmó.

Como no encontró la manera de rechazar misiones que consideraba inaceptables, Stewart, tras una década de servicio, renunció. Esto significó que también perdió la posibilidad de obtener una pensión que se otorga después de 20 años en esa función.

“Fue una de las decisiones más difíciles que he tomado”, contó. “Era el trabajo de mis sueños”.

Una de sus colegas en el Servicio de Salud Pública, la enfermera Dena Bushman, enfrentó un dilema moral similar cuando recibió una notificación para presentarse en Guantánamo pocas semanas después del tiroteo en los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC, por sus siglas en inglés) en agosto. Bushman, que trabajaba en los CDC, pospuso su presentación gracias a un permiso médico debido al estrés y al duelo. Pero comenzó a preguntarse si debía renunciar y finalmente lo hizo.

“Puede sonar exagerado”, dijo Bushman. “Pero cuando estaba tomando esta decisión, no podía evitar pensar que quienes alimentaban a los prisioneros en los campos de concentración también eran parte del régimen nazi”.

Aunque otros han renunciado, muchos oficiales decidieron permanecer en sus cargos. Están alarmados por las tácticas de Trump, pero también piensan que las personas detenidas necesitan atención médica, argumentaron varios oficiales del Servicio de Salud Pública a KFF Health News.

“Hacemos lo mejor que podemos para atender a la gente en este desastre”, dijo una enfermera que trabajó en centros de detención el año pasado.

“Respeto a las personas y las trato como seres humanos”, añadió. “Intento ser una luz en la oscuridad, la mujer que logra sacar una sonrisa en medio de este horrible caos”.

Los oficiales admitieron que su capacidad para proteger a los detenidos es limitada, en un sistema que se caracteriza por el hacinamiento, la desorganización y el trauma psicológico derivado de la incertidumbre, las separaciones familiares y la privación del sueño.

“Garantizar la seguridad, protección y bienestar de quienes están bajo nuestra custodia es una máxima prioridad para el ICE”, dijo Tricia McLaughlin, vocera principal del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional, en un comunicado enviado por correo electrónico a KFF Health News.

El almirante Brian Christine, secretario adjunto de Salud del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos (HHS, por sus siglas en inglés), que supervisa el Servicio de Salud Pública, escribió en un correo electrónico: “Nuestro deber es claro: decir ‘¡Sí, señor!’, saludar con firmeza y cumplir la misión: presentarse, brindar atención humanitaria y proteger la salud”. Christine fue designado recientemente. Hasta hace poco era urólogo, especializado en testosterona y fertilidad masculina.

“En la búsqueda de una moralidad subjetiva o de demostraciones públicas de virtud —agregó—, corremos el riesgo de abandonar a las mismas personas a las que prometimos servir”.

Hacia lo desconocido

En los meses previos a su renuncia, Stewart reflexionó sobre misiones que tuvo durante el primer mandato de Trump, cuando la enviaron a centros de procesamiento migratorio operados por la Oficina de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza. Recordó una celda de cemento en Texas donde se encontraban detenidas 50 mujeres.

“Lo más significativo que logré fue convencer a los guardias de que les permitieran a las mujeres, que llevaban una semana allí, tomar una ducha”, dijo. “Presencié enormes sufrimientos, sin tener muchas herramientas para aliviarlos”.

Stewart conversó con Bushman y otros oficiales del Servicio de Salud Pública que estaban en los CDC el año pasado. Allí colaboraban en la respuesta a brotes de sarampión o investigaciones sobre infecciones de transmisión sexual, entre otras tareas. Su presencia se volvió crucial luego de que la administración Trump despidiera a gran parte de los empleados de los CDC.

Stewart, Bushman y algunos otros funcionarios del Servicio de Salud Pública en los CDC contaron que se reunieron con mandos intermedios para pedir información sobre las asignaciones.

Si iban a Guantánamo y a centros del ICE, ¿cuánta autoridad tendrían para brindar la atención médica que consideraban necesaria? Si veían algo poco ético, ¿cómo podían denunciarlo? ¿Se investigaría? ¿Estarían protegidos contra las represalias?

Stewart y Bushman dijeron que solo les dieron el número de teléfono de una oficina del USPHS al que podían llamar si tenían alguna queja mientras estuvieran asignados. Por lo demás, afirmaron que sus preguntas quedaron sin respuesta. Renunciaron y, por lo tanto, nunca fueron a Guantánamo.

Oficiales del PHS que sí fueron enviados a la base dijeron a KFF Health News que no recibieron detalles sobre sus posibles funciones —ni sobre los protocolos para la atención médica— antes de llegar.

Stephen Xenakis, general retirado del Ejército y psiquiatra que ha asesorado sobre atención médica en Guantánamo durante dos décadas, dijo que eso era preocupante. Señaló que el personal de salud debería saber qué se espera de ellos antes de ser enviado.

Las consecuencias de una preparación insuficiente pueden ser graves.

En 2014, la Marina amenazó con llevar a una corte marcial a uno de los enfermeros destinados a Guantánamo porque se había negado a alimentar por la fuerza a prisioneros en huelga de hambre, que protestaban por el trato inhumano y la detención indefinida.

El protocolo era brutal: el prisionero era inmovilizado en una silla con cinco puntos de sujeción mientras los enfermeros le introducían una sonda por la nariz hasta el estómago para administrarle alimento líquido.

“No recibió instrucciones claras sobre cómo se realizarían estos procedimientos en Guantánamo”, explicó Xenakis. “Hasta que lo vio, no entendía lo doloroso que era para los detenidos”.

La Asociación Estadounidense de Enfermeros y la organización Médicos por los Derechos Humanos respaldaron al enfermero, afirmando que su objeción se basaba en principios éticos profesionales. Un año después, el ejército retiró los cargos.

El poder de un médico o de un enfermero uniformado suele depender de su rango, de su supervisor y de las cadenas de mando, agregó Xenakis. Él ayudó a poner fin a algunas prácticas inhumanas en Guantánamo hace más de una década, cuando junto con otros generales y almirantes retirados expresaron públicamente su rechazo a ciertas técnicas de interrogatorio, por ejemplo, una conocida como “walling”, en la que los interrogadores golpeaban la cabeza de personas detenidas sospechosas de terrorismo contra una pared, provocándoles leves conmociones cerebrales.

Xenakis sostuvo que la ciencia no respaldaba el “walling” como un método eficaz de interrogatorio y que, además, era una práctica poco ética, equivalente a la tortura.

No se han denunciado casos de tortura en la operación migratoria  en Guantánamo, pero informes internos de ICE, obtenidos a través de una solicitud de la Freedom of Information Act (Ley de Libertad de Información) por parte de American Oversight, un grupo que vigila acciones gubernamentales, apuntan a la preocupación por los detenidos que recurren a huelgas de hambre y autolesiones.

“Controles de bienestar ante posibles huelgas de hambre de IA”, indica una nota del 30 de abril de un contratista que trabaja con el ICE. IA es la sigla de illegal aliens (extranjeros en situación irregular). El informe agrega que, “en caso de una huelga de hambre u otras emergencias”, el Servicio de Salud Pública (PHS) y el ICE coordinarán políticas y procedimientos.

“Reducción de la posible huelga de hambre a nivel del módulo/posibles disturbios”, dice un registro del 8 de julio. “Hablar con el extranjero que se encuentra bajo vigilancia por riesgo de suicidio para evaluar su bienestar”.

Informes e investigaciones han señalado demoras en la atención médica y condiciones peligrosas en centros de detención migratoria, como hacinamiento y falta de higiene.

En 2025, murieron 32 personas bajo custodia del ICE, lo que lo convirtió en el año más letal en dos décadas.

“Están arrestando y deteniendo a más personas de las que sus instalaciones pueden albergar”, comentó un oficial del Servicio de Salud Pública. El problema más frecuente que este oficial observó entre los inmigrantes encarcelados es psicológico. Les preocupaba no volver a ver a sus familias o ser deportados a países donde temían ser asesinados. “La gente está aterrada”, dijo el oficial.

Sin la luz del sol

Los oficiales que estuvieron en Guantánamo dijeron que los hombres detenidos se alojaban en barracas de baja seguridad, con unas pocas personas por cuarto, o en Camp 6, una instalación de alta seguridad que no tiene luz natural.

Los informes del ICE distinguen las dos áreas por su ubicación en la isla: Leeward para las barracas y Windward para Camp 6. Unos 50 cubanos enviados a Guantánamo entre diciembre y enero han permanecido en Camp 6.

Un hospital naval de la base atiende principalmente a personal militar y residentes que no están detenidos, y tiene capacidad limitada, contaron los oficiales.

Para evitar costosas evacuaciones médicas a Estados Unidos, los inmigrantes fueron evaluados antes de ser trasladados a Guantánamo. En general, se excluyeron a personas mayores de 60 años o que requerían medicación diaria para diabetes o hipertensión. Aun así, algunos detenidos han tenido que ser evacuados de regreso a Florida.

Médicos y enfermeros del Servicio de Salud Pública dijeron que volvían a evaluar a los detenidos cuando llegaban y ofrecían atención continua, tratando casos de malestar gastrointestinal y depresión. Un informe mensual del ICE señala: “El psicólogo del USPHS inició un grupo de ejercicio” para los detenidos.

Las solicitudes de estudios médicos solían ser rechazadas por obstáculos logísticos y por la cantidad de agencias involucradas en la base. Incluso una prueba de laboratorio común, como un hemograma completo, tardaba semanas, cuando en Estados Unidos toma solo unas horas.

El Departamento de Seguridad Nacional y el Departamento de Defensa, que coordinan la operación migratoria en Guantánamo, no respondieron a solicitudes de comentarios.

Un oficial que ayudaba en los chequeos médicos iniciales dijo que muchos detenidos se sorprendían al enterarse de que estaban en Guantánamo.

“Les decía: ‘Lamento que estés aquí’”, contó. “Nadie se alteraba. Era la enésima vez que los trasladaban”. Algunos llevaban cinco o seis meses detenidos en distintos centros y querían volver a sus países. El personal de salud no tenía respuesta ni solución.

A diferencia de los centros del ICE en Estados Unidos, Guantánamo no ha estado sobrepoblado. “Nunca he estado tan desocupada”, dijo una oficial. Guantánamo, una base militar en una isla tropical, ofrece actividades como esnórquel, yoga y kickboxing para quienes no están presos. Aun así, la oficial dijo que preferiría estar en su casa y no en esa misión pagada con fondos públicos.

Transportar personal e insumos a la isla y mantenerlos en la base es sumamente costoso. Según un análisis de The Washington Post de 2025 basado en datos del Departamento de Defensa, el gobierno gastaba unos $16.500 al día por cada detenido en Guantánamo. (En comparación, el costo promedio por detenido en un centro del ICE en Estados Unidos es de $157 diarios).

Aun así, el presupuesto ha aumentado: el Congreso otorgó al ICE una cifra récord de $78.000 millones para el año fiscal 2026, muy por encima de los $9.900 millones de 2024 y los $6.500 millones de hace casi una década.

El año pasado, la administración Trump también derivó más de $2.000 millones del presupuesto de defensa nacional hacia operaciones migratorias, según un informe de congresistas demócratas. De ese monto, unos $60 millones se destinaron a Guantánamo.

“Detener a no ciudadanos en Guantánamo es mucho más costoso y complejo logísticamente que hacerlo en centros del ICE dentro de Estados Unidos”, escribió Deborah Fleischaker, ex subdirectora del ICE, en una declaración presentada como parte de una demanda de la Unión Americana de Libertades Civiles (ACLU, por sus siglas en inglés) a comienzos del año pasado.

En diciembre, un juez federal rechazó la petición del gobierno de Trump para desestimar otro caso de la ACLU que cuestionaba la legalidad de detener inmigrantes fuera del país.

Anne Schuchat, quien sirvió en el Servicio de Salud Pública por 30 años antes de jubilarse en 2018, advirtió que estas misiones podrían tener consecuencias para la seguridad del país. “Una de las mayores preocupaciones siempre ha sido tener suficientes oficiales disponibles para emergencias de salud pública”, recordó.

Andrew Nixon, vocero del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos, afirmó que las asignaciones migratorias no afectan la capacidad de respuesta del Servicio de Salud Pública ante otras emergencias.

En el pasado, estos oficiales han montado refugios médicos durante huracanes en Louisiana y Texas, implementado pruebas de covid en los primeros meses de la pandemia, y brindado apoyo tras la masacre en la escuela Sandy Hook y el atentado en la Maratón de Boston.

“Es importante que la gente sepa cuántos recursos del gobierno se están usando para que la administración actual pueda llevar adelante esta agenda”, dijo Stewart, una de las enfermeras que renunció. “Esta es una de las cosas que probablemente nos está convirtiendo en el tipo de países contra los que alguna vez estuvimos en guerra”.

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This posting combined Donald Trump’s longtime passion to use the offshore base to move “some bad dudes” out of the United States with a promise made shortly after his inauguration last year to hold thousands of noncitizens there. The naval base is known for the torture and inhumane treatment of men suspected of terrorism in the wake of 9/11.

“Deployments are typically not something you can say no to,” Stewart said. She pleaded with the coordinating office, which found another nurse to go in her place.

Other public health officers who worked at Guantánamo in the past year described conditions there for the detainees, some of whom learned they were in Cuba from the nurses and doctors sent to care for them. They treated immigrants detained in a dark prison called Camp 6, where no sunlight filters in, said the officers, whom KFF Health News agreed not to name because they fear retaliation for speaking publicly. It previously held people with suspected ties to al-Qaida. The officers said they were not briefed ahead of time on the details of their potential duties at the base.

Although the Public Health Service is not a branch of the U.S. armed forces, its uniformed officers — roughly 5,000 doctors, nurses, and other health workers — act like stethoscope-wearing soldiers in emergencies. The government deploys them during hurricanes, wildfires, mass shootings, and measles outbreaks. In the interim, they fill gaps at an alphabet soup of government agencies.

The Trump administration’s mass arrests to curb immigration have created a new type of health emergency as the number of people detained reaches record highs. About 71,000 immigrants are currently imprisoned, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement data, which shows that most have no criminal record.

Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem has said: “President Donald Trump has been very clear: Guantanamo Bay will hold the worst of the worst.” However, several news organizations have reported that many of the men shipped to the base had no criminal convictions. As many as 90% of them were described as “low-risk” in a May progress report from ICE.

In fits and starts, the Trump administration has sent about 780 noncitizens to Guantánamo Bay, according to The New York Times. Numbers fluctuate as new detainees arrive and others are returned to the U.S. or deported.

While some Public Health Service officers have provided medical care to detained immigrants in the past, this is the first time in American history that Guantánamo has been used to house immigrants who had been living in the U.S. Officers said ICE postings are getting more common. After dodging Guantánamo, Stewart was instructed to report to an ICE detention center in Texas.

“Public health officers are being asked to facilitate a man-made humanitarian crisis,” she said.

Seeing no option to refuse deployments that she found objectionable, Stewart resigned after a decade of service. She would give up the prospect of a pension offered after 20 years.

“It was one of the hardest decisions I ever had to make,” she said. “It was my dream job.”

One of her PHS colleagues, nurse Dena Bushman, grappled with a similar moral dilemma when she got a notice to report to Guantánamo a few weeks after the shooting at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in August. Bushman, who was posted with the CDC, got a medical waiver delaying her deployment on account of stress and grief. She considered resigning, then did.

“This may sound extreme,” Bushman said. “But when I was making this decision, I couldn’t help but think about how the people who fed those imprisoned in concentration camps were still part of the Nazi regime.”

Others have resigned, but many officers remain. While they are alarmed by Trump’s tactics, detained people need care, multiple PHS officers told KFF Health News.

“We do the best we can to provide care to people in this shit show,” said a PHS nurse who worked in detention facilities last year.

“I respect people and treat them like humans,” she said. “I try to be a light in the darkness, the one person that makes someone smile in this horrible mess.”

The PHS officers conceded that their power to protect people was limited in a detention system fraught with overcrowding, disorganization, and the psychological trauma of uncertainty, family separations, and sleep deprivation.

“Ensuring the safety, security, and well-being of individuals in our custody is a top priority at ICE,” said Tricia McLaughlin, chief spokesperson for the Department of Homeland Security, in an emailed statement to KFF Health News.

Adm. Brian Christine, assistant secretary for health at the Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the Public Health Service, said in an email: “Our duty is clear: say “Yes Sir!”, salute smartly, and execute the mission: show up, provide humane care, and protect health.” Christine is a recent appointee who, until recently, was a urologist specializing in testosterone and male fertility issues.

“In pursuit of subjective morality or public displays of virtue,” he added, “we risk abandoning the very individuals we pledged to serve.”

Into the Unknown

In the months before Stewart resigned, she reflected on her previous deployments, during Trump’s first term, to immigration processing centers run by Customs and Border Protection. Fifty women were held in a single concrete cell in Texas, she recalled.

“The most impactful thing I could do was to convince the guards to allow the women, who had been in there for a week, to shower,” she said. “I witnessed suffering without having much ability to address it.”

Stewart spoke with Bushman and other PHS officers who were embedded at the CDC last year. They assisted with the agency’s response to ongoing measles outbreaks, with sexually transmitted infection research, and more. Their roles became crucial last year as the Trump administration laid off droves of CDC staffers.

Stewart, Bushman, and a few other PHS officers at the CDC said they met with middle managers to ask for details about the deployments: If they went to Guantánamo and ICE facilities, how much power would they have to provide what they considered medically necessary care? If they saw anything unethical, how could they report it? Would it be investigated? Would they be protected from reprisal?

Stewart and Bushman said they were given a PHS office phone number they could call if they had a complaint while on assignment. Otherwise, they said, their questions went unanswered. They resigned and so never went to Guantánamo.

PHS officers who were deployed to the base told KFF Health News they weren’t given details about their potential duties — or the standard operating procedure for medical care — before they arrived.

Stephen Xenakis, a retired Army general and a psychiatrist who has advised on medical care at Guantánamo for two decades, said that was troubling. Before health workers deploy, he said, they should understand what they’ll be expected to do.

The consequences of insufficient preparation can be severe. In 2014, the Navy threatened to court-martial one of its nurses at Guantánamo who refused to force-feed prisoners on hunger strike, who were protesting inhumane treatment and indefinite detention. The protocol was brutal: A person was shackled to a five-point restraint chair as nurses shoved a tube for liquid food into their stomach through their nostrils.

“He wasn’t given clear guidance in advance on how these procedures would be conducted at Guantánamo,” Xenakis said of the nurse. “Until he saw it, he didn’t understand how painful it was for detainees.”

The American Nurses Association and Physicians for Human Rights sided with the nurse, saying his objection was guided by professional ethics. After a year, the military dropped the charges.

A uniformed doctor or nurse’s power tends to depend on their rank, their supervisor, and chains of command, Xenakis said. He helped put an end to some inhumane practices at Guantánamo more than a decade ago, when he and other retired generals and admirals publicly objected to certain interrogation techniques, such as one called “walling,” in which interrogators slammed the heads of detainees suspected of terrorism against a wall, causing slight concussions. Xenakis argued that science didn’t support “walling” as an effective means of interrogation, and that it was unethical, amounting to torture.

Torture hasn’t been reported from Guantánamo’s immigration operation, but ICE shift reports obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by the government watchdog group American Oversight note concerns about detainees resorting to hunger strikes and self-harm.

Inmates and investigations have reported delayed medical care at immigration detention facilities and dangerous conditions, including overcrowding and a lack of sanitation. Thirty-two people died in ICE custody in 2025, making it the deadliest year in two decades.

“They are arresting and detaining more people than their facilities can support,” one PHS officer told KFF Health News. The most prevalent problem the officer saw among imprisoned immigrants was psychological. They worried about never seeing their families again or being sent back to a country where they feared they’d be killed. “People are scared out of their minds,” the officer said.

No Sunlight

The PHS officers who were at Guantánamo told KFF Health News that the men they saw were detained in either low-security barracks, with a handful of people per room, or in Camp 6, a dark, high-security facility without natural light. The ICE shift reports describe the two stations by their position on the island, Leeward for the barracks and Windward for Camp 6. About 50 Cuban men sent to Guantánamo in December and January have languished at Camp 6.

A Navy hospital on the base mainly serves the military and other residents who aren’t locked up — and in any case, its capabilities are limited, the officers said. To reduce the chance of expensive medical evacuations back to the U.S. to see specialists quickly, they said, the immigrants were screened before being shipped to Guantánamo. People over age 60 or who needed daily drugs to manage diabetes and high blood pressure, for example, were generally excluded. Still, the officers said, some detainees have had to be evacuated back to Florida.

PHS nurses and doctors said they screened immigrants again when they arrived and provided ongoing care, fielding complaints including about gastrointestinal distress and depression. One ICE monthly progress report says, “The USPHS psychologist started an exercise group” for detainees.

Doctors’ requests for lab work were often turned down because of logistical hurdles, partly due to the number of agencies working together on the base, the officers said. Even a routine test, a complete blood count, took weeks to process, versus hours in the U.S.

DHS and the Department of Defense, which have coordinated on the Guantánamo immigration operation, did not respond to requests for comment about their work there.

One PHS officer who helped medically screen new detainees said they were often surprised to learn they were at Guantánamo.

“I’d tell them, ‘I’m sorry you are here,’” the officer said. “No one freaked out. It was like the ten-millionth time they had been transferred.” Some of the men had been detained in various facilities for five or six months and said they wanted to return to their home countries, according to the officer. Health workers had neither an answer nor a fix.

Unlike ICE detention facilities in the U.S., Guantánamo hasn’t been overcrowded. “I have never been so not busy at work,” one officer said. A military base on a tropical island, Guantánamo offers activities such as snorkeling, paddleboard yoga, and kickboxing to those who aren’t imprisoned. Even so, the officer said they would rather be home than on this assignment on the taxpayer’s dime.

Transporting staff and supplies to the island and maintaining them on-base is enormously expensive. The government paid an estimated $16,500 per day, per detainee at Guantánamo, to hold those accused of terrorism, according to a 2025 Washington Post analysis of DOD data. (The average cost to detain immigrants in ICE facilities in the U.S. is $157 a day.)

Even so, the funding has skyrocketed: Congress granted ICE a record $78 billion for fiscal year 2026, a staggering increase from $9.9 billion in 2024 and $6.5 billion nearly a decade ago.

Last year, the Trump administration also diverted more than $2 billion from the national defense budget to immigration operations, according to a report from congressional Democrats. About $60 million of it went to Guantánamo.

“Detaining noncitizens at Guantanamo is far more costly and logistically burdensome than holding them in ICE detention facilities within the United States,” wrote Deborah Fleischaker, a former assistant director at ICE, in a declaration submitted as part of a lawsuit brought by the American Civil Liberties Union early last year. In December, a federal judge rejected the Trump administration’s request to dismiss a separate ACLU case questioning the legality of detaining immigrants outside the U.S.

Anne Schuchat, who served with the PHS for 30 years before retiring in 2018, said PHS deployments to detention centers may cost the nation in terms of security, too. “A key concern has always been to have enough of these officers available for public health emergencies,” she said.

Andrew Nixon, an HHS spokesperson, said the immigration deployments don’t affect the public health service’s potential response to other emergencies.

In the past, PHS officers have stood up medical shelters during hurricanes in Louisiana and Texas, rolled out covid testing in the earliest months of the pandemic, and provided crisis support after the deadly shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School and the Boston Marathon bombing.

“It’s important for the public to be aware of how many government resources are being used so that the current administration can carry out this one agenda,” said Stewart, one of the nurses who resigned. “This one thing that’s probably turning us into the types of countries we have fought wars against.”

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“It’s just the cost of doing business with our borders being somewhat porous for global and international travel,” Abraham said. “We have these communities that choose to be unvaccinated. That’s their personal freedom.”

Infections from other countries, however, accounted for only about 10% of measles cases detected since Jan. 20, 2025, the official start of the deadly measles outbreak in West Texas, which spread to other states and Mexico. The rest were acquired domestically. This marks a change since the U.S. eliminated measles in 2000. Measles occasionally popped up in the U.S. from people infected abroad, but the cases rarely sparked outbreaks, because of extremely high rates of vaccination. Two doses of the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine strongly prevent infection and halt the virus’s spread.

To maintain its measles elimination status, the U.S. must prove that the virus has not circulated continuously in the nation for a year, between Jan. 20, 2025, and Jan. 20, 2026. To answer the question, scientists are examining whether the major outbreaks in South Carolina, Utah, Arizona, and Texas were linked.

Health officials confirmed that the main measles virus strain in each of these outbreaks is D8-9171. But because this strain also occurs in Canada and Mexico, CDC scientists are now analyzing the entire genomes of measles viruses — about 16,000 genetic letters long — to see whether those in the United States are more closely related to one another than to those in other countries.

The CDC expects to complete its studies within a couple of months and make the data public. Then the Pan American Health Organization, which oversees the Americas in partnership with the World Health Organization, will decide whether the U.S. will lose its measles elimination status. And that would mean that costly, potentially deadly, and preventable measles outbreaks could become common again.

“When you hear somebody like Abraham say ‘the cost of doing business,’ how can you be more callous,” said pediatrician and vaccine specialist Paul Offit, in an online discussion hosted by the health blog Inside Medicine on Jan. 20. “Three people died of measles last year in this country,” Offit added. “We eliminated this virus in the year 2000 — eliminated it. Eliminated circulation of the most contagious human infection. That was something to be proud of.”

Abraham said vaccination remains the most effective way to prevent measles but that parents must have the freedom to decide whether to vaccinate their children. Several states have loosened school vaccine requirements since 2020, and vaccine rates have dropped. A record rate of kindergartners, representing about 138,000 children, obtained vaccine exemptions for the 2024-25 school year.

Information on vaccines has been muddied by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who previously founded an anti-vaccine organization. He has undermined vaccines throughout his tenure. On national television, he has repeated scientifically debunked rumors that vaccines may cause autism, brain swelling, and death.

Jennifer Nuzzo, director of the Pandemic Center at Brown University, disparaged the Trump administration’s focus on finding genetic technicalities that may spare the country’s measles-free status. “This is the wrong thing to pay attention to. Our attention has to be on stopping the outbreaks,” she said.

“If we keep our status, it should be because we have stopped the spread of measles,” she said. “It’s like they’re trying to be graded on a curve.”

The Trump administration impeded the CDC’s ability to assist West Texas during the first critical weeks of its outbreak and slowed the release of federal emergency funds, according to KFF Health News investigations. However, the agency stepped up its activity last year, providing local health departments with measles vaccines, communication materials, and testing. Abraham said HHS would give South Carolina $1.5 million to respond to its outbreak, which began nearly four months ago and had reached 646 cases as of Jan. 20.

If the CDC’s genomic analyses show that last year’s outbreaks resulted from separate introductions from abroad, political appointees will probably credit Kennedy for saving the country’s status, said Demetre Daskalakis, a former director of the CDC’s national immunization center, who resigned in protest of Kennedy’s actions in August.

And if studies suggest the outbreaks are linked, Daskalakis predicted, the administration will cast doubt on the findings and downplay the reversal of the country’s status: “They’ll say, who cares.”

Indeed, at the briefing, Abraham told a reporter from Stat that a reversal in the nation’s status would not be significant: “Losing elimination status does not mean that the measles would be widespread.”

Data shows otherwise. Case counts last year were the highest since 1991, before the government enacted vaccine policies to ensure that all children could be protected with measles immunization.

Lauren Sausser contributed reporting.

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Sin embargo, el recién nombrado subdirector principal de los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC, por sus siglas en inglés), Ralph Abraham, no se mostró preocupado por esa posibilidad durante una reciente rueda de prensa.

“Es simplemente el costo de hacer negocios en un país con fronteras algo porosas debido a los viajes globales e internacionales”, dijo Abraham. “Tenemos comunidades que eligen no vacunarse. Esa es su libertad personal”.

Pero las infecciones provenientes de otros países representaron solo alrededor del 10% de los casos de sarampión detectados desde el 20 de enero de 2025, fecha oficial del inicio del brote mortal en el oeste de Texas que luego se propagó a otros estados y a México. El resto de los casos se adquirieron dentro del país.

Esto marca un cambio importante desde que Estados Unidos eliminara el sarampión en el año 2000. Hasta ahora, el virus aparecía de manera esporádica, con personas infectadas en el extranjero, pero rara vez provocaba brotes locales debido a las altas tasas de vacunación. Dos dosis de la vacuna contra el sarampión, las paperas y la rubéola previenen fuertemente la infección y detienen la propagación del virus.

Para mantener su estatus de país libre de sarampión, el país debe demostrar que el virus no ha circulado de manera continua en sus territorios durante un año, entre el 20 de enero de 2025 y el 20 de enero de 2026. Para responder a esa pregunta, los científicos están investigando si los principales brotes en Carolina del Sur, Utah, Arizona y Texas están relacionados entre sí.

Funcionarios de salud confirmaron que la cepa principal del virus del sarampión en cada uno de estos brotes es la D8-9171. Pero dado que esta cepa también circula en Canadá y México, los científicos de los CDC ahora están analizando los genomas completos de los virus del sarampión —de aproximadamente 16.000 “letras” genéticas— para determinar si los detectados en Estados Unidos están más relacionados entre sí que con los de otros países.

Se espera que los CDC completen estos estudios en un par de meses y publiquen los datos. Luego, la Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS), que supervisa a las Américas como parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud, decidirá si Estados Unidos pierde su estatus como país libre de sarampión. Esto implicaría que los brotes —costosos, potencialmente mortales y totalmente prevenibles— podrían volverse algo común nuevamente.

“Cuando escuchas a alguien como Abraham decir que es ‘el costo de hacer negocios’, ¿cómo se puede ser tan insensible?”, dijo el doctor Paul Offit, pediatra y especialista en vacunas, durante una charla en línea organizada por el blog de salud Inside Medicine el 20 de enero.

“Tres personas murieron de sarampión el año pasado en este país”, agregó Offit. “Eliminamos este virus en el año 2000 —lo eliminamos de verdad. Eliminamos la circulación de la infección humana más contagiosa. Eso era algo para sentirse orgulloso”.

Abraham afirmó que la vacunación sigue siendo la forma más eficaz de prevenir el sarampión, pero insistió en que los padres deben tener la libertad de decidir si vacunan a sus hijos. Desde 2020, varios estados han flexibilizado los requisitos de vacunación escolar y las tasas de vacunación han disminuido. Una cifra récord de niños de jardín de infantes —alrededor de 138.000— obtuvo exenciones a la vacuna para el ciclo escolar 2024-25.

La información sobre las vacunas se ha vuelto confusa por el secretario de Salud y Servicios Humanos (HSS, por sus siglas en inglés), Robert F. Kennedy Jr., quien antes de ser funcionario fundó una organización antivacunas. Durante todo su mandato, Kennedy ha puesto en duda los beneficios de las vacunas. En televisión nacional, ha repetido rumores ya desmentidos por la ciencia, como que las vacunas pueden causar autismo, inflamación del cerebro y hasta la muerte.

Jennifer Nuzzo, directora del Centro de Pandemias de la Universidad Brown, criticó que la administración Trump se enfoque en encontrar tecnicismos genéticos que podrían permitir al país conservar su estatus de libre de sarampión. “Esto es en lo que menos deberíamos estar mirando. Nuestra atención debe enfocarse en frenar los brotes”, afirmó.

“Si mantenemos el estatus, debe ser porque hemos detenido la propagación del sarampión”, agregó. “Es como si estuvieran pidiendo que los evalúen con menos exigencias”.

Según investigaciones de KFF Health News, el gobierno de Trump obstaculizó la capacidad de los CDC para ayudar al oeste de Texas durante las primeras semanas críticas del brote y retrasó la entrega de fondos federales de emergencia.

Sin embargo, la agencia intensificó su actividad el año pasado, proporcionando vacunas contra el sarampión, materiales informativos y pruebas de laboratorio a los departamentos de salud locales.

Abraham informó que el HHS otorgará $1,5 millones a Carolina del Sur para responder a su brote, que comenzó hace casi cuatro meses y para el 20 de enero ya había alcanzado los 646 casos.

Si los análisis genómicos de los CDC demuestran que los brotes del año pasado fueron causados por distintos casos importados desde el extranjero, es probable que los funcionarios políticos atribuyan a Kennedy el mérito de haber salvado el estatus del país, según Demetre Daskalakis, ex director del centro nacional de inmunización de los CDC, quien renunció en agosto en protesta por las acciones de Kennedy.

Y si los estudios sugieren que los brotes están relacionados entre sí, Daskalakis predijo que la administración pondrá en duda los hallazgos y minimizará la pérdida del estatus del país: “Dirán que no importa”.

De hecho, durante la rueda de prensa, Abraham le dijo a un reportero de Stat que la pérdida de la condición de país libre de sarampión no sería algo significativo: “Perder ese estatus no significa que el sarampión se vaya a propagar ampliamente”.

Los datos muestran lo contrario. El número de casos el año pasado fue el más alto desde 1991, antes de que el gobierno implementara políticas de vacunación para garantizar que todos los niños estuvieran protegidos contra el sarampión.

Lauren Sausser colaboró con este artículo.

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Weiser spoke with KFF Health News on the evening before World AIDS Day, which the U.S. government, for the first time since 1988, didn’t acknowledge this year. That was only the latest blow to efforts to combat HIV. The Trump administration has cut funds to provide lifesaving HIV care abroad, withheld money to prevent and treat HIV in the U.S., and fired HIV experts at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Weiser was fired from the CDC during mass layoffs in April, was rehired in June, and then resigned. He continues to treat patients at Grady Memorial Hospital in Atlanta. In November, he published an article that warns against complying with presidential orders to censor data about transgender people.

The following conversation has been condensed and edited for clarity.

LISTEN: Former CDC official John Weiser speaks with KFF Health News correspondent Amy Maxmen about his resignation from the agency and why he thinks complying with President Donald Trump’s orders to erase transgender people is bad for science and society. 

In the first weeks of his presidency, Donald Trump issued several executive orders with implications for HIV programs. One directed federal employees to exclude gender identities that didn’t correspond to a person’s biological sex assigned at birth.

On how this played out at the CDC:

We were told to scrub any mention of gender or transgender people from dozens of research papers and surveillance reports that had already been published or were going to be published, and to stop collecting information from participants about their gender identity. For example, we had to recalculate our numbers on HIV among men who have sex with men, or MSM, a category that the CDC changed to “males who have sex with males.”

The CDC had no director at the time. The order came from on high. And there was no discussion about whether we wanted to comply with the directive.

On how this directive has affected his research:

Using data from the Medical Monitoring Project, we found that people with HIV who misused opioids were more likely to engage in behaviors that could pass on HIV to another person — through unprotected sex or shared injection. And we found that very few people who misused opioids were receiving treatments for substance misuse. This information could have been useful to change clinical practice and boost funding to treat people with HIV who misuse opioids.

We were getting ready to publish this study, but when I put the paper through CDC’s clearance process, I was told to remove data about the prevalence of opioid misuse among transgender people.

I thought carefully about that, and I decided not to do that, because it’s bad science to suppress data for ideologic reasons and because erasing people from the story harms actual people. I thought about my transgender patients and how I would face them, and what I would say to them while I’m sitting with them in the exam room, knowing that I had erased their existence from CDC.

I withdrew the paper. It remains unpublished.

On how removing data harms people:

Purging data about transgender people has the effect of erasing them from the real world, pretending that they don’t exist. This group of people is heavily affected by HIV, and this type of information informs improvements in treatment. My transgender patients struggle with poverty, with unstable housing, with food insecurity, with mental health disorders, with substance misuse, and face a huge amount of stigma and discrimination in their daily lives.

My transgender patients are trying to get by, day by day. They’re trying to survive. I think it’s important to realize that somebody who is transgender needs to feel comfortable in their own body to be healthy — and denying them recognition compounds their challenges.

After the executive order came down, one of my patients said she felt even more afraid of being in public and not passing, and so she was considering having additional surgical treatment to feel safer. Her concern was not about politics. It was about survival.

On why the CDC went along with orders to remove transgender data:

I think the hope was that by complying with the directive, other work at the CDC would be spared. And unfortunately, that hasn’t proved to be the case. Funding for the Medical Monitoring Project was terminated after 20 years, and the concern within CDC is that the president will eliminate all HIV prevention and surveillance funding.

One of my concerns while there was that if it’s OK to comply with a directive to remove information about gender, what if the next demand is that we don’t report about people who emigrated from other countries, or on people who are experiencing homelessness? What if there’s a directive to suppress data about a particular racial or ethnic group that’s unpopular? How far would we go?

Some HIV clinics and organizations have considered curtailing their work with transgender people and undocumented immigrants, or on equity initiatives, because they fear the loss of federal funds.

His advice on these decisions:

People making these decisions are in a really tough spot. They want to do what’s best for their programs. They want to do what’s best for their employees. They want to do what’s best for the people they’re charged with taking care of. Those are careful decisions that need to be made weighing all of the considerations. What I want these leaders to do is also consider how a decision to essentially throw one group of people under the bus undermines scientific integrity and harms everyone.

 And I think that it’s also necessary for the rise of autocracy to go along, to compromise, to acquiesce. While all of this was going on, I heard an interview with M. Gessen, who is a Russian American journalist who writes about the rise of autocracy. Gessen explained that decisions to go along are not made because people are unethical or heartless. They’re rational choices. They’re made in order to protect something that’s important — institutions, families, jobs — even if it means sacrificing principles. Gessen’s point is that this gradual process of compromising ultimately is what solidifies an autocrat’s power.

On why he resigned from the CDC:

As a physician working at the CDC, numbers have always described individual people, people whose suffering I witness. When you know somebody, they’re no longer just a concept that you make a judgment about.

I realized that I could do more good by spending more time with my patients than I could working for the CDC under this administration.

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Más niñas y niños serían hospitalizados por esta enfermedad prevenible. Algunos perderían la audición. Algunos morirían.

El sarampión también es costoso. Un nuevo estudio —aún no publicado en una revista científica— estima que la respuesta de salud pública ante brotes con un puñado de casos cuesta alrededor de $244.000.

Cuando una persona necesita atención hospitalaria, el costo promedio por caso es de $58.600. Según las estimaciones del estudio, un brote como el ocurrido a inicios de este año en el oeste de Texas, con 762 casos y 99 hospitalizaciones, cuesta aproximadamente $12.6 millones.

El estatus de Estados Unidos depende de si los principales brotes ocurridos este año tienen origen en el gran brote del oeste de Texas que comenzó oficialmente el 20 de enero. Si estos brotes están conectados y continúan más allá del 20 de enero del próximo año, el país ya no será considerado libre de sarampión.

“Mucha gente trabajó muy duro durante mucho tiempo para lograr la eliminación: años de trabajo para hacer que las vacunas estén disponibles, lograr una buena cobertura de vacunación y tener una respuesta rápida a los brotes para limitar su propagación”, dijo Paul Rota, microbiólogo recientemente retirado tras casi 40 años de carrera en los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC).

Pero en vez de actuar con rapidez para evitar el regreso del sarampión, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., abogado que fundó una organización antivacunas antes de asumir el liderazgo del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos (HHS), ha debilitado la capacidad de las autoridades de salud pública para prevenir y contener brotes, al minar la confianza en las vacunas.

La vacuna contra el sarampión es segura y efectiva: solo el 4% de los más de 1.800 casos confirmados este año en el país se ha registrado en personas que recibieron las dos dosis recomendadas.

Kennedy ha despedido a expertos del comité asesor de vacunas de los CDC y ha afirmado, sin pruebas, que las vacunas pueden causar autismo, inflamación cerebral y muerte.

El 19 de noviembre, la información científica sobre vacunas y autismo en el sitio web de los CDC fue reemplazada por afirmaciones falsas. Kennedy dijo a The New York Times que él ordenó el cambio.

“¿Queremos volver a la era previa a las vacunas, cuando morían 500 niños al año por sarampión?”, se preguntó Demetre Daskalakis, ex director del centro nacional de inmunización de los CDC, quien renunció en agosto en protesta por las acciones de Kennedy.

Daskalakis y otros científicos afirman que la administración Trump parece más interesada en minimizar el resurgimiento del sarampión que en contenerlo.

Un vocero del HHS, Andrew Nixon, dijo en un comunicado que la vacunación sigue siendo la herramienta más efectiva para prevenir el sarampión y que “los CDC y las agencias de salud estatales y locales siguen trabajando juntos para evaluar los patrones de transmisión y garantizar una respuesta de salud pública efectiva”.

Buscando conexiones

Científicos de los CDC están rastreando el sarampión junto con investigadores de departamentos de salud y universidades.

Para saber si los brotes están relacionados, analizan los genomas del virus del sarampión, que contienen toda su información genética. Estos análisis pueden ayudar a revelar el origen de los brotes y su verdadera magnitud, además de alertar sobre contagios no detectados.

Los científicos llevan años realizando este tipo de análisis genéticos para el VIH, la gripe y covid, pero es algo nuevo para el sarampión, porque el virus ha sido un problema menor en el país durante décadas, explicó Samuel Scarpino, especialista en salud pública de la Universidad Northeastern, en Boston. “Es importante establecer una red de vigilancia que se pueda escalar rápidamente cuando sea necesario”, dijo.

“Estamos trabajando con los CDC y otros estados para determinar si lo que estamos viendo es un solo gran brote que sigue propagándose de estado a estado”, dijo Kelly Oakeson, investigadora en genómica del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos de Utah.

A primera vista, el brote en curso en Utah y Arizona, con 258 casos al 1 de diciembre, parece estar relacionado con el de Texas porque fue causado por la misma cepa del virus, D8-9171. Pero esta cepa también circula en Canadá y México, lo que significa que los brotes podrían haber empezado por separado, a partir de personas infectadas en el extranjero.

Si ese fuera el caso, esta diferencia técnica podría evitar que Estados Unidos pierda su estatus, dijo Rota. Ser un país libre de sarampión significa que el virus no circula de forma continua durante todo un año.

Canadá perdió su estatus en noviembre porque las autoridades no pudieron demostrar que varios brotes causados por la cepa D8-9171 no estaban relacionados, explicó Daniel Salas, director ejecutivo del programa integral de inmunización de la Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS).

La organización, parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), incluye a funcionarios de salud de América del Norte, Centroamérica, Sudamérica y el Caribe, y determina el estatus de eliminación del sarampión en base a los reportes científicos de los países miembros.

A comienzos del próximo año, la OPS escuchará a científicos de Estados Unidos. Si sus análisis indican que el sarampión se ha propagado de forma continua durante un año dentro del país, la directora de la organización podría revocar el estatus de país libre de sarampión.

“Esperamos que los países sean transparentes con la información que tienen”, dijo Salas. “Vamos a hacer preguntas como: ‘¿Cómo llegaron a sus conclusiones y si consideraron otras posibilidades?’”

En preparación para esta evaluación, Oakeson y otros investigadores estudian cuán similares son las cepas D8-9171 en Utah respecto a otras.

En lugar de analizar solo un fragmento del genoma que identifica la cepa, están examinando todo el genoma del virus del sarampión, que tiene unas 16.000 letras genéticas. Las mutaciones ocurren naturalmente con el tiempo, y la acumulación de pequeños cambios funciona como un reloj que revela cuánto tiempo ha pasado entre brotes. “Esto nos muestra la historia evolutiva de las muestras”, explicó Oakeson.

Por ejemplo, si un niño infecta directamente a otro, los virus en ambos serán idénticos. Pero los virus en personas infectadas al inicio de un gran brote serán ligeramente distintos a los que circulan meses después.

Aunque a los brotes en Texas y Utah los causó la misma cepa, Oakeson dijo que “detalles más precisos nos están llevando a creer que no están muy estrechamente relacionados”. Para saber exactamente qué tan distintos son entre sí, los científicos los están comparando con genomas del virus del sarampión provenientes de otros estados y países.

Idealmente, los estudios genéticos deberían complementarse con investigaciones de campo sobre cómo comenzó cada brote. Sin embargo, muchas de esas investigaciones no han obtenido respuestas porque las primeras personas infectadas no buscaron atención médica ni notificaron a las autoridades de salud.

Como en el oeste de Texas, el brote en Utah y Arizona está concentrado en comunidades muy cerradas, con baja vacunación y desconfianza hacia el gobierno y la medicina convencional.

Los investigadores también intentan averiguar cuántos casos de sarampión no han sido detectados. “Los casos confirmados requieren pruebas, y en algunas comunidades hay un costo asociado con ir al hospital: un tanque de gasolina, buscar quién cuide a los niños, faltar al trabajo”, explicó Andrew Pavia, doctor en enfermedades infecciosas de la Universidad de Utah. “Si tu hijo tiene un sarpullido de sarampión pero no está muy enfermo, ¿para qué molestarse?”.

Vigilancia sutil

Pavia forma parte de una red nacional de vigilancia de brotes liderada por los CDC. Una forma sencilla de estimar la magnitud de un brote sería mediante encuestas, pero eso se complica en comunidades que desconfían del personal de salud pública.

“En un entorno colaborativo, podríamos hacer cuestionarios preguntando si alguien en el hogar tuvo sarpullido u otros síntomas de sarampión”, dijo Pavia. “Pero los mismos factores que dificultan que la gente se vacune o haga cuarentena también complican esto”.

Por eso, Pavia y otros investigadores están analizando los genomas. Una gran variación genética sugiere que un brote se ha propagado durante semanas o meses antes de ser detectado, infectando a muchas más personas de las que se sabe.

Una forma de vigilancia menos invasiva es mediante el análisis de aguas residuales. Este año, los CDC y departamentos de salud estatales comenzaron a hacer pruebas en aguas residuales de hogares y edificios para detectar el virus del sarampión que eliminan las personas infectadas.

Un estudio en Texas encontró que esto puede servir como sistema de alerta temprana, permitiendo detectar brotes antes de que las personas lleguen al hospital.

La labor silenciosa de los científicos de los CDC contrasta con la falta de comunicación pública de la agencia.

Desde que el presidente Donald Trump asumió el cargo, los CDC no han realizado una sola conferencia de prensa sobre el sarampión, y su última publicación al respecto en el boletín Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report fue en abril.

En lugar de actuar rápidamente para contener el brote en Texas, la administración Trump obstaculizó la capacidad de los CDC para comunicarse con rapidez con las autoridades de ese estado y demoró la entrega de fondos federales de emergencia, según investigaciones de KFF Health News. Mientras tanto, Kennedy difundió mensajes confusos sobre las vacunas y promovió tratamientos no comprobados.

Daskalakis dijo que, mientras el brote en Texas empeoraba, su equipo en los CDC no recibió respuesta cuando solicitó informar a Kennedy y a otros funcionarios del HHS.

“Objetivamente, no estaban ayudando con el brote en Texas, así que si perdemos el estatus de eliminación, tal vez digan: ‘¿Y qué?’”, dijo Daskalakis.

Nixon, el vocero del HHS, afirmó que Kennedy respondió con fuerza al brote en Texas al ordenar a los CDC que proporcionaran vacunas y medicamentos contra el sarampión a las comunidades, aceleraran las pruebas y brindaran orientación a doctores y funcionarios de salud. Agregó que Estados Unidos conserva su estatus porque no hay pruebas de transmisión continua por 12 meses.

“El análisis genómico preliminar sugiere que los casos en Utah y Arizona no están directamente relacionados con los de Texas”, escribió en la red social X el director interino de los CDC y secretario adjunto del HHS, Jim O’Neill.

Dado el historial de Kennedy distorsionando datos sobre la vitamina A, el paracetamol (Tylenol) y el autismo, Daskalakis teme que la administración Trump insista en que los brotes no están conectados o que la OPS está equivocada.

“Será una gran mancha para el régimen de Kennedy si él es el secretario de salud en el año que perdamos el estatus de eliminación”, dijo. “Creo que harán todo lo posible para poner en duda los hallazgos científicos, incluso si eso implica culpar a los científicos”.

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More children would be hospitalized because of this preventable disease. Some would lose their hearing. Some would die. Measles is also expensive. A new study — not yet published in a scientific journal — estimates that the public health response to outbreaks with only a couple of cases costs about $244,000. When a patient requires hospital care, costs average $58,600 per case. The study’s estimates suggest that an outbreak the size of the one in West Texas earlier this year, with 762 cases and 99 hospitalizations, costs about $12.6 million.

America’s status hinges on whether the country’s main outbreaks this year stemmed from the big one in West Texas that officially began Jan. 20. If these outbreaks are linked, and go on through Jan. 20 of next year, the U.S. will no longer be among nations that have banished the disease.

“A lot of people worked very hard for a very long time to achieve elimination — years of figuring out how to make vaccines available, get good vaccine coverage, and have a rapid response to outbreaks to limit their spread,” said Paul Rota, a microbiologist who recently retired from a nearly 40-year career at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Instead of acting fast to prevent a measles comeback, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a lawyer who founded an anti-vaccine organization before taking the helm at the Department of Health and Human Services, has undermined the ability of public health officials to prevent and contain outbreaks by eroding trust in vaccines. The measles vaccine is safe and effective: Only 4% of more than 1,800 confirmed U.S. cases of measles this year have been in people who had received two doses.

Kennedy has fired experts on the vaccine advisory committee to the CDC and has said, without evidence, that vaccines may cause autism, brain swelling, and death. On Nov. 19, scientific information on a CDC webpage about vaccines and autism was replaced with false claims. Kennedy told The New York Times that he ordered the change.

“Do we want to go back into a prevaccine era where 500 kids die of measles each year?” asked Demetre Daskalakis, a former director of the CDC’s national immunization center, who resigned in protest of Kennedy’s actions in August. He and other scientists said the Trump administration appears to be occupied more with downplaying the resurgence of measles than with curbing the disease.

HHS spokesperson Andrew Nixon said in a statement that vaccination remains the most effective tool for preventing measles and that the “CDC and state and local health agencies continue to work together to assess transmission patterns and ensure an effective public health response.”

Looking for Links

CDC scientists are indeed tracking measles, alongside researchers at health departments and universities. To learn whether outbreaks are linked, they’re looking at the genomes of measles viruses, which contain all their genetic information. Genomic analyses could help reveal the origin of outbreaks and their true size, and alert officials to undetected spread.

Scientists have conducted genomic analyses of HIV, the flu, and covid for years, but it’s new for measles because the virus hasn’t been much of a problem in the U.S. for decades, said Samuel Scarpino, a public health specialist at Northeastern University in Boston. “It’s important to get a surveillance network into place so that we could scale up rapidly if and when we need it,” he said.

“We are working with the CDC and other states to determine whether what we’re seeing is one large outbreak with continued spread from state to state,” said Kelly Oakeson, a genomics researcher at the Utah Department of Health and Human Services.

At first glance, the ongoing outbreak in Utah and Arizona, with 258 cases as of Dec. 1, seems linked to the one in Texas because they’re caused by the same strain of measles, D8-9171. But this strain is also spreading throughout Canada and Mexico, which means the outbreaks could have been sparked separately from people infected abroad. If that happened, this technicality could spare the U.S. from losing its status, Rota said. Being measles-free means the virus isn’t circulating in a country continuously year-round.

Canada lost its measles-elimination status in November because authorities couldn’t prove that various outbreaks from the D8-9171 strain were unrelated, said Daniel Salas, executive manager of the comprehensive immunization program at the Pan American Health Organization. The group, which works with the World Health Organization, includes health officials from countries in North, South, and Central America, and the Caribbean. It makes a call on measles elimination based on reports from scientists in the countries it represents.

Early next year, PAHO will hear from U.S. scientists. If their analyses suggest that measles has spread continuously for a year within the U.S., the organization’s director may revoke the country’s status as measles-free.

“We expect countries to be transparent about the information they have,” Salas said. “We will ask questions, like, ‘How did you determine your findings, and did you consider other angles?’”

In anticipation of PAHO’s assessment, Oakeson and other researchers are studying how closely the D8-9171 strains in Utah match others. Instead of looking at only a short snippet of genes that mark the strain, they’re analyzing the entire genome of the measles virus, about 16,000 genetic letters long. Genetic mutations occur naturally over time, and the accumulation of small changes can act like a clock, revealing how much time has ticked by between outbreaks. “This tells us the evolutionary history of samples,” Oakeson said.

For example, if one child directly infects another, the kids will have matching measles viruses. But measles viruses infecting people at the start of a large outbreak would be slightly different than those infecting people months later.

Although the Texas and Utah outbreaks are caused by the same strain, Oakeson said, “more fine-grained details are leading us to believe they aren’t super closely related.” To learn just how different they are from each other, scientists are comparing them with measles virus genomes from other states and countries.

Ideally scientists could pair genetic studies with shoe-leather investigations into how each outbreak started. However, many investigations have come up dry because the first people infected haven’t sought care or contacted health departments. As in West Texas, the outbreak in Utah and Arizona is concentrated in close-knit, undervaccinated communities that are leery of government authorities and mainstream medicine.

Researchers are also trying to learn how many measles cases have gone undetected. “Confirmed cases require testing, and in some communities, there’s a cost to going to the hospital to get tested: a tank of gas, finding a babysitter, missing work,” Andrew Pavia, an infectious disease doctor at the University of Utah, said. “If your kid has a measles rash but isn’t very sick, why would you bother?”

Subtle Surveillance

Pavia is part of a nationwide outbreak surveillance network led by the CDC. A straightforward way to figure out how large an outbreak is would be through surveys, but that’s complicated when communities don’t trust public health workers.

“In a collaborative setting, we could administer questionnaires asking if anyone in a household had a rash and other measles symptoms,” Pavia said, “but the same issues that make it difficult to get people to quarantine and vaccinate make this hard.”

Instead, Pavia and other researchers are analyzing genomes. A lot of variation suggests an outbreak spread for weeks or months before it was detected, infecting many more people than known.

A less intrusive mode of surveillance is through wastewater. This year, the CDC and state health departments have launched efforts to test sewage from households and buildings for measles viruses that infected people shed. A study in Texas found that this could function as an early warning system, alerting public health authorities to an outbreak before people show up in hospitals.

The quiet research of CDC scientists stands in stark contrast to its dearth of public-facing actions. The CDC hasn’t held a single press briefing on measles since President Donald Trump took office, and its last publication on measles in the agency’s Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report was in April.

Rather than act fast to limit the size of the Texas outbreak, the Trump administration impeded the CDC’s ability to communicate quickly with Texas officials and slowed the release of federal emergency funds, according to investigations by KFF Health News. Meanwhile Kennedy broadcast mixed messages on vaccines and touted unproven treatments.

Daskalakis said that as the outbreak in Texas worsened, his CDC team was met by silence when they asked to brief Kennedy and other HHS officials.

“Objectively they weren’t helping with the Texas outbreak, so if we lose elimination, maybe they’ll say, ‘Who cares,’” Daskalakis said.

Nixon, the HHS spokesperson, said Kennedy responded strongly to the Texas outbreak by directing the CDC to help provide measles vaccines and medications to communities, expediting measles testing, and advising doctors and health officials. The U.S. retains its elimination status because there’s no evidence of continuous transmission for 12 months, he added.

“Preliminary genomic analysis suggests the Utah and Arizona cases are not directly linked to Texas,” the CDC’s acting director, Deputy HHS Secretary Jim O’Neill, wrote on the social platform X.

Given Kennedy’s distortions of data on vitamin A, Tylenol, and autism, Daskalakis said the Trump administration may insist that outbreaks aren’t linked or that PAHO is wrong.

“It will be quite a stain on the Kennedy regime if he is the health secretary in the year we lose elimination status,” he said. “I think they will do everything they can to cast doubt on the scientific findings, even if it means throwing scientists under the bus.”

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Vought has exerted extraordinary control over government spending this year, usurping congressional decisions on how the nation’s money is used. His push for more layoffs during the government shutdown is only the latest blow, following months of firings, canceled grants, and withheld funds.

By cutting and freezing public health funds, in particular, the Trump administration has already begun to undercut efforts to provide medical care, outbreak response, housing assistance, and research across the U.S., according to health officials, nonprofit directors, and federal agency staffers interviewed by KFF Health News.

Since most federal funds for public health flow to states, Vought is rivaling the Department of Health and Human Services secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., in his ability to upend government-led efforts to keep Americans healthy. In Texas, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention funds to stem a measles outbreak weren’t available until after the crisis had subsided and two children had died. A project to protect Alabamans from raw sewage and hookworm was abandoned. People with HIV have had to delay medical care as clinics scale back hours. Time-dependent surveys on HIV and maternal mortality were halted. Food banks have canceled events. Tobacco prevention programs lapsed. Initiatives to protect older adults at risk of falling have been harried.

No matter what budget Congress ultimately passes for next year, the Trump administration may continue to thwart financial support for such programs in ways that will harm people’s health. “The White House has shown that they are willing to unilaterally exert control over funding,” said Gillian Metzger, a constitutional law professor at Columbia University.

“This is a huge deal,” she added, “because the power of the purse is central to Congress’ ability to shape and direct policy.”

Before he was appointed to lead the White House’s Office of Management and Budget this year, Vought outlined budgetary strategies the executive branch could deploy to wrest power from Congress and federal agencies in Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s conservative blueprint.

Vought’s tactics unfolded this year, often below the radar. They include abrupt grant cancellations, extraordinary constraints on how funds can be spent, and excessive layers of review, agency officials say, at every step in the grantmaking process. Getting money out the door has been further complicated by layoffs that have gutted offices overseeing grants on chronic disease prevention, HIV, maternal mortality, and more.

Government employees have described these tactics to members of Congress, said Abigail Tighe, executive director of the National Public Health Coalition, a group that includes current and former staffers at the CDC and HHS. “We want Congress to act, because this is preventing states and communities from doing critical public health work to keep our country safe,” she said. “If they don’t have capacity, we all collectively suffer.”

Democrats on the House and Senate appropriations committees have pushed for transparency, but the extent to which money Congress appropriated for public health in 2024 and 2025 has gone unspent because of the administration’s disruptions is not yet known. “This is a sophisticated strategy to cause money to lapse and then say, ‘If they can’t spend it, they don’t need it,’” said Robert Gordon, a public policy specialist at Georgetown University and a former assistant finance secretary at HHS.

“No one thought this was possible or legal, but that is what’s happening,” he said.

Details on how the administration has subverted health spending have received little attention because many changes have been made quietly — and people who rely on federal funds fear retribution. The Trump administration has defunded and threatened federal offices that hold the government accountable and fired whistleblowers. It has abruptly revoked funds for local governments and organizations.

Vought and spokespeople at the White House and the OMB did not respond to queries from KFF Health News. However, Vought described his intentions in a Sept. 3 speech. He said that federal agencies and Congress had gained more power over spending since the 1970s and that their control became “woke and weaponized” under Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden.

“Thankfully, President Trump won,” he said. “And we have now been embarked on deconstructing this administrative state.”

Many Parts, Many Malfunctions

Like a car, the federal budget process has many components that can break down. Through the OMB and its partner, Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, the administration has intervened at various junctures. “There are so many ways in which money is not operating in the way it is supposed to operate,” said Bobby Kogan, the senior director of federal budget policy at the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning think tank, and a former OMB adviser.

Typically, Congress passes a budget that appropriates money for the next fiscal year to federal agencies. For many public health programs, ranging from housing assistance to cancer screening, agencies then post open calls online for states, local governments, and organizations to apply for funding. Agency experts select winners and send notices of awards — or notices of ongoing funding to groups that previously won multiyear awards.

Next, the OMB, which administers the federal budget, activates money for agencies, like a bank activates a credit card, so that grantees can spend and get reimbursed rapidly. Auditors keep an eye on spending, but the government has in the past limited interruptions so that programs run smoothly.

Early on, the Trump administration canceled billions of dollars in awards granted in 2024 and early 2025 for research and global health. In March, it clawed back $11.4 billion in covid-era funds that Congress had earmarked for health departments that were using the money for disease surveillance, vaccinations, and more.

Although some funds have been restored because of lawsuits, the Supreme Court has allowed other cuts by the administration to stand while the cases move through the courts.

Beyond these “shotgun” cancellations, the administration has taken a quieter, “in-the-weeds, slowing, cutting, conditioning” approach that’s frozen funds for public health, said Matthew Lawrence, a law professor specializing in health policy at Emory University.

By August, the CDC’s center for HIV and tuberculosis prevention had doled out $167 million less than the historical average, according to an analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a think tank focused on reducing inequality. The CDC’s funding for chronic disease prevention lagged by $259 million, the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program had underspent by $105 million, and funds for mental health at the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration were more than $860 million behind what was expected.

An unknown amount of Congress’ 2025 funding for research and public health has yet to be awarded and will probably lapse this year, said Joe Carlile, an author of the center’s analysis and an associate OMB director during the Biden administration. The obstructions appear to be concentrated in areas where the White House proposed cutting the federal budget next year. “The administration may be executing their 2026 budget request through administrative controls,” Carlile said.

“This is boring but crazy-high stakes,” he added. “A one-branch veto of spending neuters the power of the purse in the Constitution that Madison said was the fundamental check on the executive branch.”

Incremental Chaos

A key tactic Vought described in Project 2025 occurs when the OMB activates funds for agencies in installments, called apportionments. Vought wrote that “apportioned funding” could “ensure consistency with the President’s agenda.”

Under Vought, the OMB shrank the size of apportionments, HHS and CDC staffers said. It’s illegal for agencies to let grantees withdraw money before the total amount is in the metaphorical bank, so that delayed agencies’ ability to greenlight spending.

The OMB and DOGE also placed conditions on apportionments through memos, footnotes, and spoken directives telling agencies to ensure that spending “aligns with Administration priorities,” according to reports and HHS employees who said that notices of funding opportunities and awards required excessive layers of sign-off. The CDC and other agencies circulated lists of priorities that reflect White House stances, including those targeting diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts; immigration; and transgender rights. Public health efforts have been especially caught up in red tape, since many focus on populations bearing an unequal burden of death, disease, and injury.

Groups that rely on federal funds have largely been unaware of the reasons grants were held up, but they’ve fielded what they viewed as unsettling queries. For example, Kathy Garner, the head of a Mississippi nonprofit, said officials asked her to defend the exclusion of men from a program to shelter women who experienced domestic violence.

Delays were made worse by uncertainty. Grantees said they’ve been unable to reach program officers because tens of thousands of federal workers have been laid off. Agency officials said firings slow funding further.

“Everyone’s inbox is full of letters from grant recipients asking, ‘How do we proceed?’” one high-ranking CDC official told KFF Health News, which granted agency officials anonymity because of their fears of retaliation. “We just say, ‘Please wait.’”

Time was critical as a measles outbreak surged in West Texas early this year. The state asked for federal funding for the response in March, but it didn’t arrive until May, after the outbreak had largely faded in Texas, according to an investigation by KFF Health News. Apportionment control was a key reason, CDC staffers said.

In July, 81 HIV organizations sent a letter to Kennedy. “With every day of delayed FY2025 funding release, the delivery of essential HIV services is compromised,” said the letter, which was reviewed by KFF Health News. Because of delays and uncertainty, it said, HIV clinics had laid off case managers and reduced clinician hours, closed sites, and pared down hotlines that patients call with urgent questions. The funds arrived about a month later, but HIV providers remain shaken.

Lauren Richey, medical director at University Medical Center’s HIV clinic in New Orleans, backed out of hiring a sorely needed dentist she had recruited. “I was afraid to tell someone to move across the country for a job when I wasn’t sure if or when we’d get the funding for their salary,” she said. “The wait is now three to four months for dental services, when it was usually a couple of weeks at most.”

Tamachia Davenport, program director at the St. John AIDS outreach ministry in New Orleans, said that “a lot of us are having to rob Peter to pay Paul.”

When the group didn’t get CDC funds it expected this summer, Davenport had to decide between cutting staff or supplies. Concerned her top employees would take jobs elsewhere, she stopped buying the condoms they distribute throughout the city to prevent the spread of sexually transmitted infections.

Louisiana already has one of the highest rates of HIV, chlamydia, and gonorrhea in the country. Condoms cost far less than treating these diseases. For a person infected by HIV at age 35, such costs exceed $326,000.

Groups focused on cancer, diabetes, and heart disease also report lasting repercussions from delays, as well as ongoing fears that they will happen again. Louisiana State University’s Healthy Aging Research Center canceled some of its workshops to train health workers on caring for people with dementia. “There may be fewer people who have this very specific expertise next year in Louisiana and Mississippi,” said Scott Wilks, the director of the center. “That’s on top of the big shortage we have already.”

Nationwide surveys tallying maternal and infant mortality froze for about five months because of funding delays, causing an irrecoverable gap in data that had been collected continuously since 1987, CDC officials say.

“We are seeing the administration get their way with or without an approved budget,” one said. “It’s such a terrible shame to play with people’s health this way.”

DOGE also inserted itself into grant reimbursements this year, stalling the rapid turnaround that public health groups typically expect to cover salaries, rent, and other monthly costs outlined in budgets that have already been approved. In what’s now labeled Departmental Efficiency Review, itemized expenses must be regularly justified by multiple government officials, according to documents reviewed by KFF Health News.

DOGE posted on its website expense reports covering about a month’s span from April to May. Nearly 230 of the individual expenses filed to federal agencies during that period are for $1 or less. Other entries break down monthly salaries for individual employees and petty costs for postage or monthly subscriptions.

“Public funds deserve scrutiny, but this is different from audit practices I’ve been a part of,” Carlile said.

DOGE also stalled calls for applications for 2025 funding — and some calls never appeared as the fiscal year came to a close on Sept. 30. Among them are programs for groups that provide housing assistance. People will be evicted when these organizations run out of money left over from 2024, said Steve Berg, chief policy officer at the National Alliance to End Homelessness.

Other solicitations came out months behind schedule, leaving groups with a few weeks to put together complicated applications for multimillion-dollar awards, including for Alzheimer’s care, addiction recovery, senior support, and chronic disease management.

“They’ve set projects up to fail,” one HHS official said.

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At the start of this month, people close to the MAHA movement suggested that Kennedy’s upcoming autism announcement would link Tylenol use during pregnancy with the condition. Researchers worried it would veer into vaccines. Both Kennedy and Trump have spread misinformation about an association between vaccines and autism in the past, despite many rigorous studies refuting any link. 

Ann Bauer at the University of Massachusetts-Lowell, an epidemiologist who co-wrote a recent analysis about Tylenol and autism, told me, “I was sick to my stomach,” worrying that Kennedy would distort her team’s conclusions. She also feared scientists would reject her team’s measured concerns about Tylenol in a backlash against politicized or misleading remarks. 

Bauer and her colleagues had reviewed 46 studies on Tylenol, autism, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Many found no link, while some suggested Tylenol might occasionally exacerbate other potential causes of autism, such as genetics. 

Since Tylenol is the only safe painkiller for use during pregnancy and fevers during pregnancy can be agonizing as well as dangerous, the team suggested judicious use of the medicine until the science was settled. 

That’s not what Trump advised. “Don’t take Tylenol,” he said. “Don’t give Tylenol to the baby. When the baby’s born, they throw it at you. Here, throw, give him a couple of Tylenol. They give him a shot. They give him a vaccine. And every time they give him a vaccine, they’re throwing Tylenol. And some of these babies, they, you know, they, they’re long born, and all of a sudden, they’re gone.” 

In emailed statements, HHS and White House spokespeople said Trump is using “gold-standard science” to address rising autism rates. 

Helen Tager-Flusberg, director of the Center for Autism Research Excellence at Boston University, called Trump’s comments dangerous. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention scientists told me they were never asked to brief Kennedy or the White House on autism, or to review the recommendations. Had researchers been asked, they would have explained that no single drug, chemical, or other environmental factor is strongly linked to the developmental disorder. 

Quick fixes — the kind promised by Kennedy — won’t make a dent, Tager-Flusberg said. “We know genetics is the most significant risk factor,” she said, “but you can’t blame Big Pharma for genetics, and you can’t build a political movement on genetics research and ride to victory.” 

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In August, Bauer and her colleagues published an analysis of 46 previous studies on Tylenol, autism, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Many found no link between the drug and the conditions, while some suggested Tylenol might occasionally exacerbate other potential causes of autism, such as genetics.

Bauer, an epidemiologist at the University of Massachusetts-Lowell, and her team called for more judicious use of the drug until the science is settled.

On Monday, President Donald Trump stood beside Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. for what he called a “historic” announcement on autism. “If you’re pregnant, don’t take Tylenol, and don’t give it to the baby after the baby is born,” Trump said. “There are certain groups of people that don’t take vaccines and don’t take any pills that have no autism,” he added, without providing evidence. “They pump so much stuff into those beautiful little babies, it’s a disgrace.”

A fact sheet released alongside the White House briefing cited Bauer’s analysis. But she was alarmed by Trump’s comments. If prenatal Tylenol has any association, which it may not, it would help account for only a fraction of cases, she said. Further, research has not deeply examined Tylenol risks in young children, and many rigorous studies refute a link between vaccines and autism.

Bauer worries such statements will cut both ways: People may put themselves at risk to avoid vaccines and Tylenol, the only safe painkiller for use during pregnancy. And she frets that scientists might outright reject her team’s measured concerns about Tylenol in a backlash against misleading remarks from Trump and other members of his “Make America Healthy Again” movement.

“I’m really concerned about how this message is going to play out,” she said. “It’s a sound-bite universe, and everyone wants a simple solution.”

Autism experts at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention were neither consulted for the White House’s long-awaited autism announcement nor asked to review a draft of the findings and recommendations, CDC scientists told KFF Health News, which agreed not to identify them because they fear retaliation.

“Typically, we’d be asked to provide information and review the report for accuracy, but we’ve had absolutely no contact with anyone,” one CDC researcher said. “It is very unusual.”

Trump and Kennedy promised this year that under their leadership the federal government would swiftly figure out what causes autism. Scientists who work in the field have been skeptical, noting that decades of research has shown that no single drug, chemical, or other environmental factor is strongly linked to the developmental disorder. In addition, both Trump and Kennedy have repeated the scientifically debunked notion that childhood vaccines may cause autism.

Had CDC scientists been allowed to brief Kennedy, they say they would have cautioned that simple fixes won’t make a dent in the number of autism cases in the United States: As many as 1 in 31 8-year-old children had autism spectrum disorder in 2022.

Systemic changes, such as regulations on air pollution, which has been linked to asthma and developmental disabilities including autism, and assistance for parents of disabled children, could improve lives for far more Americans with autism and other conditions than actions taken by the Trump administration on Sept. 22, researchers say.

One federal action is to consider updating the label on Tylenol and to “encourage clinicians to exercise their best judgment in use of acetaminophen for fevers and pain in pregnancy by prescribing the lowest effective dose for the shortest duration.” The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists already recommends acetaminophen “as needed, in moderation, and after consultation with a doctor.”

‘Political Crusade’

Despite Kennedy’s many years of speaking about autism, he rarely cites credible autism research or expert recommendations, Tager-Flusberg said. Instead, Kennedy repeats fringe, scientifically debunked theories linking vaccines to autism, despite rigorous studies published in peer-reviewed journals that refute a link.

At the Sept. 22 briefing, Trump said he spoke with Kennedy about autism 20 years ago: “We understood a lot more than a lot of people who studied it,” he said. Ahead of Trump’s first term in 2017, Kennedy said he met with the president to consider a commission on vaccine safety and autism. It didn’t happen then. But soon after Kennedy was confirmed as health secretary, he called autism “preventable,” pointed to “environmental toxins,” and contradicted the results of a CDC study finding that the main driver of rising autism diagnoses was that doctors increasingly recognize the disorder.

At a televised Cabinet meeting in April, Kennedy told Trump, “By September, we will know what has caused the autism epidemic and we’ll be able to eliminate those exposures.”

“You stop taking something, you stop eating something, or maybe it’s a shot,” Trump replied.

“He is on a political crusade,” Tager-Flusberg said of Kennedy, adding that vaccines, Tylenol, aluminum, and food dyes make for simple targets to rally against. “We know genetics is the most significant risk factor,” she said, “but you can’t blame Big Pharma for genetics, and you can’t build a political movement on genetics research and ride to victory.”

“RFK makes our work harder,” said Peter Hotez, a vaccine researcher and the author of a book about his autistic daughter, “Vaccines Did Not Cause Rachel’s Autism.” He said the book stemmed from conversations with Kennedy in 2017, in which Hotez shared studies pinpointing more than a hundred genes linked to autism, and research into the complex interplay between genetics, biological processes, and things that children and fetuses encounter during development.

“I sat down with him and explained what the science says, but he was unwilling or incapable of thinking deeply about it,” Hotez said. “He is extremely careless.”

In addition to its focus on Tylenol, the White House said it would move to update “prescribing information” on leucovorin — a medication related to the B vitamin folate — to reflect its use as an autism treatment. A small clinical trial in 2012-13 suggested the drug may help treat language problems in some children with autism. Tager-Flusberg said the findings warrant further study but clarified these were “old data, not a breakthrough.”

Likewise, studies finding a modest association between autism and prolonged Tylenol use were published years ago. Researchers have suggested the medicine might occasionally exacerbate factors associated with autism, such as genetics and oxidative stress, a biological condition that occurs for a variety of reasons that scientists are still unraveling.

Still, these studies couldn’t rule out the possibility that fevers prompting women to take Tylenol, rather than the medicine itself, might instead be to blame. Fevers and infections — including those prevented by vaccines — have also been linked to autism.

She welcomed the White House’s motion to consider labeling Tylenol to emphasize judicious use of the drug but worries about how the MAHA movement might distort a careful message. On Sept. 2, the right-wing news outlet One America News Network posted an interview with newly appointed CDC vaccine adviser Robert Malone, writing that Malone “speculates RFK Jr. may have an important announcement this month regarding a potential link between Tylenol, multiple vaccinations and autism in children.”

Several medical and scientific associations have called for Kennedy’s removal or resignation. Many scientists are skeptical of what he says because much of it has been misleading or wrong. For example, he’s said HIV isn’t the only cause of AIDS (it is), that antidepressant drugs cause mass shootings (they don’t), that older adults don’t have severe autism (some do), that the measles vaccine causes brain swelling (it doesn’t), that covid vaccines were the deadliest vaccines ever made (they aren’t), that vaccines aren’t safety-tested (they are), and that vaccines contribute to autism (they don’t).

“This is like the boy who cried wolf,” said Brian Lee, an epidemiologist at Drexel University. “One day he might be right about something and Americans who are not prone to conspiracies won’t trust it because it’s coming from RFK’s mouth. And that could be a problem.”

What’s more, the Trump administration is eroding scientists’ ability to probe the safety of pharmaceuticals, said Robert Steinbrook, head of health research at Public Citizen, a nonprofit consumer protection group.

“Public Citizen is very supportive of research on medications that could be linked to diseases,” he said. “But it needs to be through an open process, which looks at scientific evidence, and which doesn’t cherry-pick studies to support a preconceived point of view.”

Steinbrook said the administration has undermined his confidence in the government’s ability to conduct credible work. The Food and Drug Administration has held less than a third the number of advisory committee meetings this year as it did last, meaning fewer opportunities for experts to discuss research on the risks and benefits of drugs. The Trump administration has fired hundreds of career scientists at the CDC and FDA and cut millions of dollars in research funds, including to projects studying autism.

In early September, the CDC issued an unusual contract with the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute to analyze datasets for signs that vaccinated children were more likely to have autism. Unlike with other research initiatives, the CDC didn’t post an open call for applications in advance. This allows agency experts to review proposals and select studies best designed to answer the question at hand.

CDC researchers told KFF Health News that experts in the agency’s autism and disability group weren’t aware of the contract or asked to review the proposal. That’s important, they said, because researchers digging through data to find clues about autism must show how they’ll rule out biological and environmental exposures that muddy the results, and ensure that children have been accurately diagnosed. One researcher said, “It absolutely looks like Kennedy has subverted the grantmaking process.”

The CDC and HHS did not respond to KFF Health News’ requests for information on the grant, including through a Freedom of Information Act request.

The new vaccine study is separate from Kennedy’s autism data-science initiative, which was posted as an open call at the National Institutes of Health. “The hope is that something good comes of it, and that the government won’t cherry-pick or censor what scientists find out,” Lee said.

Bauer said she didn’t apply to be part of the initiative because of Kennedy’s outsize presence at HHS.

“I would not take his funding because it could take away from the credibility of my study,” she said, “in the same way that taking money from pharmaceutical companies does.”

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